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Marxism and the Struggle for LGBT Liberation

June 26th, 2009

As you probably know, this weekend is the annual Minneapolis Gay Pride Festival and Parade. With same-sex marriage and gay rights finally receiving the public and administrative attention it has so critically required for decades, this year’s celebrations will no doubt take on some degree of activist character. It is a reasonable expectation that this year’s attendance may be record-breaking. As stated on the Twin Cities Pride website, “the Parade … drew over 125,000 spectators last year, making it one of the largest parades in the Upper Midwest, and the largest in all of Minneapolis according to Mayor R.T. Rybak.”Socialist Alternative here in Minneapolis will be again showing a strong presence and support for the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender communities this weekend as part of our commitment to the liberation of these oppressed groups. For some, however, the connection between socialism and sexuality may not be so clear. But socialism isn’t “just about economics” or “just about politics” in the sense that we have learned these words. It is at root about the liberation of all of society through the democratic and participatory empowerment of all members of the working class. As the most progressive social liberation movement, our particular form of socialism takes natural solidarity with the LGBT movement. Our approach to the issue compels a more detailed examination - namely, what is the source of LGBT oppression and how can socialism combat it?
Some Statistics for Your Consideration

First, let’s start out with some basic stats and an outline of the type of day-to-day oppression members of the LGBT community face. There are more than 1,138 rights and protections dependent on marriage at the federal level alone, and these are being denied to same-sex couples (even those legally married in one or more states!) thanks to DOMA.

- Due to sexual orientation discrimination, lesbians earn up to 14% less than their heterosexual female peers with similar jobs, education, age and residence, according to a study by the University of Maryland. A survey of 191 employers revealed that 18% would fire, 27% would refuse to hire and 26% would refuse to promote a person they perceived to be lesbian, gay or bisexual.

- 42% of homeless youth identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual (Orion Center, Survey of Street Youth, Seattle, WA: Orion Center, 1986). Lesbian, gay and bisexual youth are at a four times higher risk for suicide than their straight peers.  30% of gay and bisexual adolescent males attempt suicide at least once. 42% of adolescent lesbians and 34% of adolescent gay males who have suffered physical attack also attempt suicide.
- 97 % of students in public high schools report regularly hearing homophobic remarks from their peers. 53% of students report hearing homophobic comments made by school staff. 80% of prospective teachers report negative attitudes toward gay and lesbian people
Two thirds of guidance counselors harbor negative feelings toward gay and lesbian people. 11.5% of gay and lesbian youth report being physically attacked by family members. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, homosexuals are probably the most frequent victims [of hate crimes] in the U.S.

-45% of gay males and 20% of lesbians report having experienced verbal harassment and/or physical violence as a result of their sexual orientation during high school.

Much more information than this can be unearthed with in-depth scholarship; this is but a simple survey of at-hand facts. Little of this ought to come as any surprise from avid watchers of the mainstream news. Much of it, perhaps, sounds familiar to the other oppressed minority groups of this nation - women, immigrants, citizens of various ethnicities. The fact is that the ruling elite of this country share one set of common experiences, and the downtrodden, the unemployed and the workers, share another despite their divisions.

Roots of Sexual Oppression

But besides these factors that make this discussion relevant in the immediate sense, there are other reasons, equally important but more academic-sounding, for presenting this analysis, which have to do with the special nature of anti-LGBT oppression and the way it arises from and is interwoven with many of the most fundamental ruling-class institutions in society—most notably: the nuclear family. We must “examine the social and historical context” of this oppression if we are to fully understand it. To pose it as a question: what are the roots of gay oppression?

As it turns out, the actual phenomenon of gay oppression emerged relatively recently, as did the concept of “gay” and “straight” as fundamentally different types of people, or as a well-defined subset of society as a whole. This oppression of homosexuality and the distorted views of sexuality generally that come out of this climate of oppression, are one of capitalism’s many contradictions. To quote Sherry Wolf, “Capitalism creates the material conditions for men and women to lead autonomous sexual lives, yet it simultaneously seeks to impose heterosexual norms on society to secure the maintenance of an economic, ideological, and sexual order.” This basically means that men and women in society are allowed to pursue their own sexual agenda, but the system also dictates - subtly, through social norms, and more overtly with certain institutions - that this agenda be strictly heterosexual. Why? For the status quo of capitalism.
Sexuality is not a binary phenomenon (gay/straight), nor is it a hardwired one. Like anything else humans do, sexuality is a behavior, and it changes over time. Biologically, there is only one human race, with a whole universe of sexual possibilities restricted only by the human imagination. These different possibilities can be either liberated or cracked down on depending on how society is organized. To quote gay historian John d’Emilio, “What we call “homosexuality” … was not considered a unified set of acts, much less a set of qualities defining particular persons, in pre-capitalist societies…. Heterosexuals and homosexuals are involved in social “roles” and attitudes which pertain to a particular society, modern capitalism.”

Before the rise of capitalism, homosexuality was integrated successfully into many different societies. Also, significantly, it was homosexual actions that were looked on positively, negatively, or neutrally—not a distinct category of people.

Origin of the Family

To find the ultimate root causes of gay oppression and the subsequent rise of a gay identity, we have to look back into history to when humans were first forming civilizations. A key text for this, its overall analysis yet to be successfully challenged, Engels’ Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State.

Though humans as a species have existed for over a hundred thousand years, people only started living in family units during the last few thousand years, at the same time as the formation of divisions by class. Before class divisions could arise, humans first needed the ability to produce and store a surplus of stuff like food and resources. But for the majority of human history, people did not have this ability. Every person could only produce in a given period of time the amount of resources necessary to sustain his own existence. There was nothing extra to be hoarded or stolen. In this situation there is simply no motivation for subjugation, because there is nothing to be gained by it. Similarly, there was no use for the nuclear family (as we know it), because there was no wealth to be inherited; no special family interests to be preserved. In fact, pre-class social organization relied almost entirely on large-scale, collective production, distribution, and child-rearing. For this reason, it is referred to as a communal form of organization, but on the basis of subsistence for all rather than a super-abundance of shared wealth like in the future society we envision and fight for. In this situation, men and women were on equal standing—there was division of labor, but it was a sharing of work among equals.

Eventually, however, with the advent of agriculture, the plough, and domestication of cattle and livestock, humans were finally able to produce a significant surplus. With this surplus came an interest in acquiring a greater piece of the surplus for oneself, exploiting others to do so, and thus a motivation for societal divisions on an unequal basis: namely, wealth and slavery. The rise of the first sexual oppression—in this case, oppression of women—corresponded with the formation of the first class divisions and occurred through the rise of the monogamous family unit as a way to protect the resources of wealthy groups. Wealth could now be passed on to one’s children specifically rather than becoming the common property of the clan, and monogamy was required to ensure the father’s children were really his own. As Engels wrote: “Monogamous marriage was a great historical step forward; nevertheless, together with slavery and private wealth, it opens the period that has lasted until today in which every step forward is also relatively a step backward, in which prosperity and development for some is won through the misery and frustration of others.”

If anyone still doubts the connection between the rise of class oppression and the formation of the family, there is also telling linguistic evidence. The word “family” comes from the Latin “familia” which meant “the total number of slaves belonging to one man.”

Eventually, the nuclear family became the norm imposed on everyone, and even the landless peasants who owned nothing and had nothing to pass on were organized into families. All family members worked themselves to the bone, including children, and childbirth often resulted in death for the mother and/or child. It was a miserable existence. Along with this regularity came the first crackdowns on sexual behaviors. Henry VIII in 1533 made it so all non-procreative sexual acts could be punished by death. In the New England colonies, “solitary living” was forbidden. In the 17th and 18th centuries the households of the colonists were extremely individualized units in terms of both production and reproduction. Just about everything the family needed was provided by working their own small plot. Throughout these stages, the family and marriage were not seen as emotional endeavors, but economic ones. Responsibility and financial interests were at play, not pleasure and love. In fact, for a whole period, the first and only love songs were about adultery—marriage and love were not only irrelevant to each other; they were mutually exclusive!

In the 19th century, wage labor became more common, and the excesses of capitalist exploitation became ever worse, to the point where the working-class family as an institution was on the verge of collapse. Since the working-class family plays a vital role in externalizing the costs to the ruling class of raising the next generation of workers (something Marx called “privatized reproduction”), the ruling class had a vital interest in saving it. Thus, the “family wage” for men was born. This had the dual effect of relieving women from hours of grueling factory work while simultaneously imprisoning and isolating them in the home, away from social labor. A new division of labor was formed: Men, production—women, reproduction.

In this new situation of the male entrepreneur, the male wage-worker, and the female housewife, the family took on a new and contradictory role. As British historian Jeffrey Weeks describes it, the bourgeois family was “both the privileged location of emotionality and love…and simultaneously an effective policeman of sexual behavior.” This is largely the role the family has continued to play up to now, along with its role in externalizing costs. With women’s return to the workplace since World War II (in fact, women now make up the majority of the U.S. workforce), and with the generally increased feasibility of independent living nowadays, the nuclear family is more wrought with contradictions than ever, and frankly is falling apart on a mass scale. Half of all marriages end in divorce, and the family is losing its ability to effectively raise children, with both parents continuing to work longer and longer hours. At the same time day care is expensive and hard to find.

Thus, the ruling class is split on the question of whether to legalize gay marriage. While on the one hand it would serve to legitimize marriage and the nuclear family as an institution, it would also normalize homosexuality and break down many divisions in the working class that are essential for maintaining ruling-class dominance. Plus, legalization of gay marriage poses an obvious confrontation with the idea that there is anything natural or sacred about the heterosexual nuclear family at all. Thus, the roots of gay oppression lie in the need for capitalism to preserve the nuclear family, even long after it makes sense as a unit of social and economic organization for the majority of people.

The Birth of Homosexuality and the LGBT Movement

But what of the birth of homosexuality as an identity? Modern capitalism created the material and social conditions for a “gay identity” to emerge. Big cities threw people together in numbers big enough that anonymity became possible in a whole new way. People could experiment sexually without everyone they knew knowing about it. Capitalism then immediately tried to suppress this new sexuality. The new hostility to homosexuality was unique in that it targeted not behaviors but the “homosexual type” of person. Old laws attacked practices that threatened procreation, while the new laws singled out a small group of people whose behavior set them apart from the majority.

This conception of homosexuals as a different class of person actually arose from the change in how homosexuality was viewed in scientific circles. Whereas previously, homosexual behavior was considered a “sin against nature”, in the late 19th century homosexuality came instead to be considered a congenital mental disorder; a property possessed a certain subset of the population. Ironically, this idea that homosexuality is predetermined biologically has taken hold amongst a lot of gays and lesbians today, with people claiming to have been “born gay”. As an oppressed minority, many use this as a defense of their rights, arguing that they should not be persecuted for something they have no control over. There has even been a search in the scientific community for a “gay gene”. While the research on this topic could in itself fill articles, even whole journals, suffice it to say that search has been fruitless, and its motivations are ahistorical and unscientific at best, thoroughly reactionary at worst. Think how absurd phrenology looks to us right now, for instance. Put another way, the civil rights movement never bothered looking for the Black gene. And as we know now, from a scientific perspective, race is also a social phenomenon rather than a biological one.

We conclude with one last quote from John D’Emilio: “… lesbian and gay identity and communities are historically created, the result of a process of capitalist development that has spanned many generations. A corollary of this argument is that we are not a fixed social minority composed for all time of a certain percentage of the population. There are more of us than one hundred years ago, more of us than forty years ago. And there may very well be more gay men and lesbians in the future. Claims made by gays and nongays that sexual orientation is fixed at an early age, that large numbers of visible gay men and lesbians in society, the media, and the schools will have no influence on the sexual identities of the young are wrong. Capitalism has created the material conditions for homosexual desire to express itself as a central component of some individuals’ lives; now, our political movements are changing consciousness, creating the ideological conditions that make it easier for people to make that choice.”


Free Market Failure - Was Marx Right?

March 30th, 2009

Mar 11, 2009
By Dan DiMaggio

Marx’s face featured on the cover of Time Magazine in Europe over the headline “What Would Marx Think?” “We’re All Socialists Now” proclaims the cover of Newsweek. Right-wing politicians and pundits warn of the coming of American socialism with Obama’s stimulus package. What is going on here?

Just 20 years ago, with the collapse of the Soviet Union the ideas of socialism and Marxism were dismissed as dead. Capitalism was seemingly triumphant worldwide as corporate politicians and media spokespersons proclaimed the world had reached the “end of history.”

Yet recently, socialism has re-entered the popular dialogue. In large part, this has come from the right wing, who have attempted to label any sort of government intervention into the economy or any move toward a welfare state as “socialist.”

Newsweek, for instance, implies that much of Europe is socialist, owing to the existence of a stronger welfare state and more government regulations than in the U.S. However, this is far from the truth. Recent months have seen mass protests and strikes by workers and youth all over Europe as their pro-corporate, capitalist governments attempt to make workers pay for the global economic crisis.

In reality, the measures being employed by governments throughout the world today, including nationalizing banks and implementing stimulus packages, are not socialist. They are Keynesian measures designed to save the capitalist system from a devastating economic crash like the 1930s and to avoid deep political and social upheavals that could threaten the rule of big business.

Searching for an Alternative
Yet there has also been the beginning of a re-emergence of genuine socialist and Marxist ideas. Sales of Marx’s works are skyrocketing, with Amazon reporting a 700% increase in sales of the Communist Manifesto since the banking collapse (Times (UK), 11/9/08).

This renewed interest comes as workers and youth search for explanations of and an alternative to the misery caused by the global recession. Illusions that capitalism can provide a decent future are fast being broken down.

As Time writes, “Nobody younger than 80 has experienced such a rapid decline in global confidence and economic activity. Markets have failed, and in so doing they have destroyed the conventional wisdom about how to run an efficient economy. It’s as if an intellectual fog has descended, and the global positioning system has broken down, leaving the world to grope its way out as best it can.”

According to former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, “Ask the experts what to do, and the most honest reply is ‘I don’t know.’” Even Alan Greenspan, the former head of the U.S. Federal Reserve, once commonly referred to as the “maestro,” admitted: “I still do not fully understand why [the crisis] happened.” Trapped by the logic of their for-profit system, they can find no answers.

As Marx put it in the Communist Manifesto, “Modern bourgeois society … [having] conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells.”

The market system has clearly failed, and the capitalists have no one to blame but themselves. The corporate elites have had free rein over the entire past period, with the collapse of Stalinism, the retreat of the labor movement, and the neo-liberal offensive of deregulation, privatization, free trade, and corporate globalization.

Yet rather than ushering in an era of peace and prosperity, this has resulted in the biggest economic crash since the 1930s. The massive government interventions, including stimulus packages, bailouts, and nationalizations, are a clear admission the market is incapable of overcoming this crisis. If left to its own mechanisms - if there wasn’t enormous state intervention - we would already have seen another 1929-type crash.

Capitalism’s Contradictions
The article in Time quotes Archbishop Reinhard Marx (who recently wrote his own Das Kapital) writing a letter to his revolutionary namesake: “[Capitalism] lasted longer than you expected back in the 19th Century, but could it be that capitalism is just an episode of history that will end at some point because the system will collapse as a result of its internal contradictions?”

Marx explained how these internal contradictions, inherent to capitalism, lead to periodic crises. At root is the contradiction between the private ownership of capital – the banks, workplaces, factories, etc. – by a tiny mega-rich minority, and the socialized nature of production in which millions toil collectively to produce goods and services.

Rather than democratically planning how to most efficiently allocate and use the resources of society, under capitalism individual companies are locked in dog-eat-dog competition with each other to maximize profits and secure market share.

To make profits, bosses pay their workers only a fraction of the value they produce. This leaves workers unable to buy back all the goods they have made, leading to crises rooted in overproduction (or overcapacity) and the anarchy of the capitalist “free” market.

These crises can only be solved on a capitalist basis by, as Marx wrote, the “enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces … the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones.” This is what lies behind the plant closings and layoffs globally.

There is also a fundamental contradiction between capitalism’s development of a world market and the constraints of the nation-state, which corporations rely on to defend their interests.

The globalized economy of recent years gives a glimpse, though in a distorted manner, of the enormous economic potential if the outmoded barrier of the nation-state was removed. Yet today the economic crisis has led to growing moves toward protectionism in many countries and an increasing competition to secure markets.

Under socialism, this contradiction would be overcome in favor of international socialist cooperation and planning, with the world’s resources used to raise the living standards of workers and the poor throughout the world rather than enriching the global financiers and CEOs.

Governments around the world are now scrambling to find measures to escape this crisis and avoid social upheavals. As German Chancellor Angela Merkel warned, if governments “are not in a position to show that we can create a social order for the world in which such crises do not take place, then we’ll face stronger questions as to whether this is really the right economic system.”

But no amount of tinkering with the capitalist system can prevent these crises from breaking out. How many times have we been told the 1930s can “never” happen again due to new laws and regulations? Yet we now face the deepest crisis since the 1930s.

End This Crisis-Ridden System
Mass working-class action is necessary to replace an outmoded, inefficient, and wasteful system, capitalism, with a democratic, socialist, planned economy.

By full involvement of working- and middle-class people through popular control and management of industry and society, we can begin the rational organization and planning of the resources of society for all and not, as is the case now, to satisfy the discredited handful of greedy bankers and capitalists.

To do this will require building a massive movement of workers and youth to challenge the system and fight for a socialist alternative. Already, we have seen mass demonstrations in many countries across the world, including a strike by 2 million French workers in January as well as a series of demonstrations in Iceland, the country hardest hit by the economic crisis so far, that brought down the government.

There has also been a huge radicalization in Greece and elsewhere, and in time revolutionary storms will result from this crisis.

However, there is no “final crisis of capitalism” unless the working class changes society. Big business will always seek a way out through attacks on the working class, and their system will recover unless power is taken out of their hands.

The working class will be forced to resist in order to defend its living standards and survive the crisis brought on by capitalism. These struggles, along with the conscious intervention by socialists and Marxists, will lead increasing numbers of workers and youth to explore the ideas of genuine Marxism (not the perversion found in the Stalinist states) and will find in them a real explanation of the systemic causes of the current crisis.

As Archbishop Marx writes to the revolutionary Karl Marx, “There’s a question that won’t leave me in peace: At the end of the 20th Century, when the capitalist West defeated the communist East in the battle between systems, were we too quick to dismiss you and your economic theories?” (Time, 2/4/09)

Marx, however, did not just make economic predictions about capitalism but drew bold, active, socialist conclusions about the need to fight for a revolutionary transformation of society. As Marx wrote, “The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it.”



In Their Own Words

from the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels

“The commercial crises… by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part, not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, is periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity - the epidemic of over-production.”

“Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones… All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify… The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe.”


Socialist Minnesota: A Conference to Confront Capitalism

March 25th, 2009

BAILOUT WORKERS, NOT WALL STREET!
What strategy to confront the economic crisis?

12 PM FORUM
SPEAKERS:
Dean Gunderson: State bargaining committee representative for the Minneapolis Association of Professional Employees (MAPE) Local 501*

Brett Hoven:
St. Paul Ford Assembly Plant worker-activist, United Auto Workers Local 879*

Angel Gardner: Barista-organizer with the Starbucks Workers’ Union drive*

Alec Johnson: Metro Transit worker-activist with Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1005*

2:30 WORKSHOPS
- Climate in Crisis: Is there a solution under capitalism?
- The End of Empire?: Will Obama transform U.S. foreign policy?
- The Struggle for Marriage Equality: GLBT politics in the era of Republican decline

4:00 PM FORUM
THE S-WORD RE-EMERGES: What Socialism Really Means
SPEAKERS:
April Knutson: Professor of Marxism at the U of M, contributor to the journal Science, Nature, and Society

David Riehle: Social activist, historian of 1934 Minneapolis Truckers strike, United Transportation Union Local 650*

Tyron Moore: Editorial Committee member for Justice newspaper, organizer for Socialist Alternative

SATURDAY APRIL 11TH
12:00-6:00 PM
COFFMAN UNION, Room 303
U of M East Bank, 300 Washington Ave, Minneapolis

(612) 760-1980

* Union and other affiliations listed for identification purposes only and do not imply endorsement of event.


Public Forum: Capitalism’s Economic Disaster - Is a Socialist Alternative Possible?

January 26th, 2009

We’re facing the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. The global financial system is in cardiac arrest. Job losses and foreclosures are in the millions. State and local governments are facing massive budget deficits.

The government has committed trillions of dollars in bailouts for Wall Street. Yet workers and poor people are still waiting. Will Obama’s stimulus package work? Is there an alternative to this crisis ridden capitalist system?  

Come to this free public forum to discuss these questions and more. Find out how you can get active in the fight against budget cuts in Minnesota as well as the wider struggle for a Socialist Alternative.

Speaker:

Teddy Shibabaw ,

regular contributor to Justice newspaper and socialistalternative.org

When:

Wednesday, February 25th, 7 PM

Where:

Mayday Books,  301 Cedar Ave S.

( 1 block from Riverside Ave, under Hub Bike Co-Op)


Forum: The Chicago Factory Occupation and the Future of Worker’s Resistance

December 13th, 2008

The Chicago Factory Occupation and the Future of Workers’ Resistance

Wednesday, December 17
7pm, Board Room, 3rd Floor, Coffman Memorial Union, University of Minnesota

Speaker: Ryan Timlin, Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1005 (personal capacity)

On the afternoon of Friday, December 5, the roughly 250 workers at Chicago’s Republic Window and Door factory were told that the factory was closing down and that they would be laid off on only 3 days notice, and illegally denied the roughly $1.5 million of vacation and severance pay owed by the company. The owners claimed they had to close because Bank of America, which has received $25 billion in bailout money from the government, refused to extend them any more credit. Instead of accepting this, the workers decided to occupy the plant. Their action made headline news across the country, becoming a symbol of the mounting anger in U.S. society at the bailout for banks, carried out on the backs of the working class. After a 6-day occupation, Bank of America and JP Morgan Chase agreed to pay $1.75 million to the workers to cover the money they were owed.

The past week has also witnessed massive protests in Greece, including a general strike, a vote to join a union at the world’s largest meatpacking plant in North Carolina, and an attempt by the auto companies and U.S. government to force historic concessions upon the United Auto Workers.

Come to a discussion on these events and the future for workers in the U.S. and around the world, and how we can build a fightback to corporate domination.


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